By Patrick Kaiku


While the Constitutional Planning Committee (CPC) had performed a monumental task in the lead-up to the drafting of PNG’s Constitution, a new round of consultation should be ini­tiated to address critical issues that were not apparent during the time of the CPC.


The CPC carried out an extensive consultation that included 500 discussion groups and public meetings attended by more than 20,000 people. 
However, an Australian academic argued that the processes that led to the writing of the Constitution did not represent the popular will. 
A leading constitutional lawyer also observed that what the political elites in the CPC thought appropriate as the developmental aspirations of Papua New Guineans were not seriously debated. 


Although the Constitution is said to be a “living document” that can be amended to reflect the changing times, our national legislators se­riously lack the political will to address emerging issues of governance in this country.  
A new series of consultations would allow Papua New Guineans to return to fundamental questions about their political system. 
And “with the benefit of greater education and 30 years experience of what works and what does not”, Papua New Guineans must be given the opportunity to make their views known about the political system they want.

Papua New Guineans are more educated and increasingly aware of human rights, democracy and so forth.  
Their expectations of how the go­vernment ought to run the affairs of the country are higher as they are better informed, thanks to the constant flow of information. 
The role of civil society organisations, the media and so forth are increasingly helping to keep ordinary Papua New Guineans abreast with developments in the country. 
Likewise, the increased mobility of Papua New Guineans is creating a growing sense of national consciousness of issues impacting them. 
These are dynamics in our political development that cannot be ignored in terms of the quality of governance that we now have. 


One important area that should be revisited is the Leadership Code and the powers of the Ombudsman Commission.  
What should be the appropriate penalty and deterrence for leaders who breach the Leadership Code?
Can the Ombudsman Commission be more powerful and be politically and financially autonomous than what it is today? 


Presently, we cannot rely on parliament to make political reforms that may challenge their comfort zones. 
In view of the political interests of elected leaders, why not simply allow the people to have a say on matters that concern them?


I also agree on the idea of decentralising political and admi­nistrative powers to offset the petty politics in Port Moresby. 
In fact, the concept of Arona Valley as a central administrative and political hub is not a new idea. 
In discussions leading up to self-government in 1974, Eastern Highlands was proposed as the ideal location for a national parliament. 
The agenda was first raised by a highlands member of the house of assembly in the early 1970s.  


Finally, another issue that seems to be going nowhere is women representation in parliament. 
Creating reserved seats for women is slower than expected. 
This issue can be taken to ordinary Papua New Guineans to debate on and vote on through processes of a national referendum, for instance. 
If we want to have a popular will, let it be exercised through a national re­ferendum so that all Papua New Guineans have a direct say in how their political system is made to suit the fast-changing times. 
Younger generations of Papua New Guineans must be part of this process.


Empowering ordinary Papua New Guineans to take ownership of their destiny can only be forthcoming if we do a stock-take of where we, are as a people, and what values of system can best be incorporated into our political system.